Julius Nyerere

Name ID 458

See also

Johnston, Erika The other side of Kilimanjaro
Page Number: 016
Extract Date: 1950's

District Commissioner

Robin maintains that there was no better life for a man in those days than that of a District Commissioner. It was a marvellous combination of an active open air life, coupled with a wide, varied and interesting amount of office work. You did long walking safaris through your area and slept under canvas, and in this way you got to know your parishioners and their problems. Responsible for a vast area, you were father, mentor and disciplinarian to everyone, sorting out family and tribal disputes. You had to do anything and everything: build roads, dams and bridges, dig wells and be a magistrate and adminstrator of law and order. Your problems could vary from shooting a rogue elephant despoiling villagers' crops to trying a stock thief in Court. (In later years, Nyerere once said to a silent Robin that the D.C's had made little contribution other than collecting taxes!)

Extract ID: 4451

See also

Map and Guide to Tanzania
Page Number: 08b
Extract Date: 1945-1960

After World War II

After World War II, Tanganyika became a Trust Territory under the United Nations with Britain expected to conduct the country towards independence.

Self-government was now the major aim and in 1953, Julius 'Mwalimu' (The Teacher) Nyerere was elected President of the Tanganyika African Association which in 1954 was renamed the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) with its rallying motto 'Uhuru na Umoja' (Freedom and Unity).

In 1958 TANU largely won the Legislative Council elections and Richard Turnbull, the last Governor, integrated the Party into the mainstream of political life. In 1960 TANU formed the first local Government and Nyerere was appointed as Tanganyika's first Prime Minister.

Extract ID: 4032

See also

Hughes, A.J. East Africa: Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda

Sir Richard Turnbull summoned Julius Nyerere

Sir Richard Turnbull summoned Julius Nyerere and asked him to form a government

Extract ID: 1387

See also

Guardian (UK)
Extract Author: Awam Amkpa
Extract Date: Thursday May 31, 2007

Chief David Kidaha Makwaia: Tanzanian politician, businessman and head of the Sukuma

Chief David Kidaha Makwaia of Tanzania, who has died aged 84, was one of the last great bridges between colonial and postcolonial Africa. Paramount chief of the Sukuma Federation and an ally of Tanganyika's governor from 1949 to 1958, Lord Twining, Makwaia liaised between British rulers and various constituencies of their Tanzanian subjects, witnessing East Africa's transition from imperialism through independence to postcolonial repression.

Makwaia's life offers a window to the overlapping identities and cosmopolitan experiences that defined the colonised elites of 20th-century Africa. He was born a Muslim son of the Sukuma chief, Makwaia Mwandu of Usiha, in the Shinyanga region of Tanganyika. He trained in agriculture at Uganda's Makerere University College in the early 1940s before entering Lincoln College, Oxford, where he read principles and praxis of local government, philosophy and politics.

Makwaia's political life unfolded along multiple channels bestriding the worlds of Tanzania's colonial rulers and its local chiefdoms. He succeeded his father as Usiha chief in 1945 and later became "paramount chief" of the Sukuma Federation, an autonomous institution of more than 50 chiefdoms, with its own offices and flag. This won him British recognition as an authoritative native voice - a privilege cemented by his appointment in the same year as the first of two Africans to Tanganyika's Legislative Council (Legico).

Other offices followed. In the course of the 1950s, he served as the only African member of the East African royal commission on land and population, was an unofficial member of the governor's executive council, and a consultant to the colonial government as an administrator in the African aspirations section of the social welfare department.

He was a guest at Queen Elizabeth's coronation in 1953; two years later he was awarded an OBE. He was viewed by the British as a likely president of Tanzania. Along the way, Makwaia underwent a conversion, embracing Roman Catholicism. This reawakening shaped his subsequent sense of mission. Although one of the most influential chiefs in East Africa, he was not driven by the need for power, but had always considered himself a servant of the people.

As the winds of independence gathered steam, he facilitated the political rise of his long-time college friend Julius Nyerere by winning him British support as well as by securing the allegiance of Sukuma chiefs to Nyerere's party, Tanu (Tanganyika African National Union). As prime minister, later president of independent Tanganyika, Nyerere repaid Chief Kidaha, as he was known, by abolishing the role of chiefs, and banishing him for some months to the remote Tunduru district of the Southern Province for undisclosed reasons. This experience alienated him from politics forever, prompting him to turn his energies to private business and religious pursuits.

In the 1960s and 1970s, he served as managing director of Market Research (T) Ltd, and was appointed public relations officer of the Nairobi-based East African Railways and Harbours administration. Upon his retirement in 1975, he moved to the northern Tanzanian town of Moshi, where he operated a private insurance agency. Active in local religious affairs, he founded the Moshi chapter of the Order of Franciscans.

At the time of his death, Chief Kidaha had resumed the leadership of the Sukuma community from his late brother Hussein, and was active in preserving Sukuma cultural legacies. He was buried at Ibadakuli in Shinyanga, the site of his state house during the heyday of his chiefdom. Most people who met the chief commented on his charismatic yet welcoming presence. He was proud of having fulfilled his promise to his father to ensure all his 43 siblings were properly educated.

He is survived by his wife, Grace, his former wife, Mary, four children, Misuka, Edward, Jonathan and Simona, eight grandchildren, and two great grandchildren.

· David Paul Kidaha Makwaia, politician and businessman, born May 7 1922; died March 31 2007

Extract ID: 5398

See also

editors East Africa
Extract Date: 1960 September 01

Sir Richard Turnbull summoned Julius Nyerere

Sir Richard Turnbull summoned Julius Nyerere and asked him to form a government

Extract ID: 1383

external link

See also

All Africa.com
Extract Author: Daniel Benno Msangya, Dar es Salaam
Page Number: 04
Extract Date: 1963

After Independence

Copyright © 2001 African Church Information Service. Distributed by allAfrica.com. For information about the content or for permission to redistribute, publish or use for broadcast, contact the publisher.

Immediately after independence in 1961, Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, now deceased, visited the place and was very much impressed with the plant. He requested the missionaries to assist the introduction of grapevine production in Dodoma region by providing planting materials and expertise.

Isanga prison, the oldest institution in Tanzania started with only four acres in 1963 and after three years the crop was gradually introduced to the five villages namely Mpunguzi, Msalato, Nala, Nkulabi and Mundemu.

The National Service Camp at Makutupora near Dodoma town also accepted the idea thus increasing the acreage and the yields rising high from the grapes to be consumed fresh as table grapes to wine production.

The first government institution to invest much in wine production was Isanga prison which was prompted to construct a winery plant in 1969. The company, well-known and famous in Africa, was later the sole buyer of grapes for wine processing.

"Dodoma Wine Company DOWICO will not easily be forgotten in the history books of grapevine production in Tanzania," says Job Lusinde, the former Cabinet Minister and retired diplomat in a special interview.

"In setting up of a winery," Lusinde said, "DOWICO bought grapes from farmers, established a research centre to determine appropriate types of grapes of wines and encouraged more and more farmers to come forward and open grape farms".

Extract ID: 3897

See also

World History at KMLA
Page Number: 09c
Extract Date: 1961

Independence, since 1961 - Presidents, 1961- Prime Ministers, 1972-

Presidents, 1961-

1961-1965 Julius Nyerere

1965-1985 Julius Nyerere

1985-1995 Ali Hassan Mwinyi

1995- Benjamin William Mkapa

Prime Ministers, 1972-

1972-1977 Rashid Kawawa

1977-1980 Edward Moringe Sokoine

1980-1983 Cleopa David Msuya

1983-1984 Edward Moringe Sokoine

1984-1985 Salim Ahmed Salim

1985-1990 Joseph Warioba

1990-1994 John Malecela

1994-1995 Cleopa David Msuya

1995- Frederick Sumaye

Extract ID: 3518

See also

Hutchinson, Mrs. J.A. (Editor) Kilimanjaro
Extract Author: Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere
Page Number: 000a
Extract Date: 9 dec 1961

Tanganyika's Independence,

(from a speech by Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere on Tanganyika's Independence, 1961 .)

"We will light candle on top of Mount Kilimanjaro which will shine beyond our borders,

giving hope where there is despair, love where there is hate, and dignity whcrc before there

was only humiliation."

Extract ID: 4544

external link

See also

Carter, David (co-writer) and Spirit, Martin, Paul, James (webmasters) Britain's Small Wars: The History of British Military Conflicts since 1945
Extract Date: 25 Jan 1964

African Mutinies: 1st Tanganyika Rifles Mutinie 1964

http://www.britains-smallwars.com/RRGP/Tanganyika.htm

The next call for help came from President Nyerere himself. The first alarm came from Kenya on January the 20th. The men of the 1st Tanganyika Rifles, quartered near the capital Dar-es-Salaam, had risen up against their British officers, had locked them up, seized the airport, and arrested the British High Commissioner. With the mutineers holding the airport at Dar-el-Salaam, they released the British officers and NCOs from both the 1st and 2nd Battalions-some 30 from each-complete with their families and sending them to Nairobi where they arrived safely. Nyerere retained control of the government and formally made an appeal to Britain for help. It had already been decided at HQ Middle East Command at Aden that it was a task for 45 RM Commando. Hastily embarked on the carrier H.M.S. Centaur with 815 Naval Helicopter Squadron, they set sail at midnight Jan 20th and on the 24th lay off Dar-es-Salaam. At first light on the 25th, Z Company made a helicopter lift to the football field next to the mutineers' barracks, while a gunboat put down diversionary fire to a flank.

With all weapons blazing, the Commandos rushed and seized the barrack entrance. The mutineers were then called upon to surrender. The answer was a burst of firing, to which the Commandos retaliated by demolishing the roof of the guardroom with an anti-tank rocket. It produced a sad stream of Askaris emerging with hands up. The helicopters meanwhile were completing the lift of Commandos, so that the town could be dominated and the remnant of the mutineers rounded up. Since many of the mutineers had broken out of barracks this latter task called for extensive searching. One civilian Englishman, with total disregard for his own personal safety, brought back to the guardroom one fully armed Askari festooned with ammunition and grenades. Despite his menacing attire the Askari was only too delighted to surrender to the civilian. X Company was despatched to secure the airfield and the broadcasting station, while Y Company was sent into Dar-es-Salaam. This was designed to be a two-pronged advance, with X Company's move by helicopter. However it turned out to be a parade rather than an attack

....

Extract ID: 5344

See also

Laurence, Tony & MacRae, Christopher The Dar Mutiny of 1964
Extract Date: 25 Jan 1964

Book Description

For a few critical days in January 1964, the stability of Tanganyika in east Africa hung in the balance: its army had mutinied.

Rioting and racial killings ensued as the mutineers took over the capital, Dar es Salaam and British officers and NCOs were rounded up and expelled. President Nyerere, the visionary socialist leader, disappeared. He emerged two days later, hoping that the problem was simply a pay dispute, but it was much more than that, and with violent revolution in neighbouring Zanzibar and uprisings in the armies of Uganda and Kenya.

Running out of options, President Nyerere and his ministers reluctantly (and privately) requested urgent British help. The British employed amphibious forces which happened to be in the area, a marine Commando and a small aircraft carrier. Reacting quickly, the hastily improvised force put down the mutiny and restored order with minimal loss of life. It was the last time that British forces would act alone in Africa.

The Dar Mutiny of 1964 draws on many sources, including unpublished works, and interviews with many involved in the events. Tony Laurence and Christopher Macrae were both directly involved in the events and have written a valuable account of this textbook example of the use of limited outside force in support of a legitimate government.

Extract ID: 5348

See also

1967 Publishes: Nyerere, Julius K. The Arusha Declaration Jan 29th 1967


Extract ID: 3045

See also

Nyerere, J.K. Freedom and Development
Extract Date: 1967

The Arusha Declaration: A Declaration Outlining Tanzania's Policy on Socialism and Self-Reliance

". . . It is particularly important that we should now understand the connection between freedom, development, and discipline, because our national policy of creating socialist villages throughout the rural areas depends upon it. For we have known for a very long time that development had to go on in the rural areas, and that this required co-operative activities by the people . . .

"When we tried to promote rural development in the past, we sometimes spent huge sums of money on establishing a Settlement, and supplying it with modern equipment, and social services, as well as often providing it with a management hierarchy . . . All too often, we persuaded people to go into new settlements by promising them that they could quickly grow rich there, or that Government would give them services and equipment which they could not hope to receive either in the towns or in their traditional farming places. In very few cases was any ideology involved; we thought and talked in terms of greatly increased output, and of things being provided for the settlers.

"What we were doing, in fact, was thinking of development in terms of things, and not of people . . . As a result, there have been very many cases where heavy capital investment has resulted in no increase in output where the investment has been wasted. And in most of the officially sponsored or supported schemes, the majority of people who went to settle lost their enthusiasm, and either left the scheme altogether, or failed to carry out the orders of the outsiders who were put in charge - and who were not themselves involved in the success or failure of the project.

"It is important, therefore, to realize that the policy of Ujamaa Vijijini is not intended to be merely a revival of the old settlement schemes under another name. The Ujamaa village is a new conception, based on the post Arusha Declaration understanding that what we need to develop is people, not things, and that people can only develop themselves . . .

"Ujamaa villages are intended to be socialist organizations created by the people, and governed by those who live and work in them. They cannot be created from outside, nor governed from outside. No one can be forced into an Ujamaa village, and no official - at any level - can go and tell the members of an Ujamaa village what they should do together, and what they should continue to do as individual farmers . . .

"It is important that these things should be thoroughly understood. It is also important that the people should not be persuaded to start an Ujamaa village by promises of the things which will be given to them if they do so. A group of people must decide to start an Ujamaa village because they have understood that only through this method can they live and develop in dignity and freedom, receiving the full benefits of their co-operative endeavor . . .

"Unless the purpose and socialist ideology of an Ujamaa village is understood by the members from the beginning — at least to some extent it will not survive the early difficulties. For no-one can guarantee that there will not be a crop failure in the first or second year - there might be a drought or floods. And the greater self-discipline which is necessary when working in a community will only be forthcoming if the people understand what they are doing and why . . .

"The fact that people cannot be forced into Ujamaa villages, nor told how to run them, does not mean that Government and TANU have just to sit back and hope that people will be inspired to create them on their own. To get Ujamaa villages established, and to help them to succeed, education and leadership are required. These are the things which TANU [Tanzania African National Union] has to provide.

". . . The Arusha Declaration and the actions relating to public ownership which we took last week were all concerned with ensuring that we can build Socialism in our country. The nationalization and the taking of a controlling interest in many firms were a necessary part of our determination to organize our society in such a way that our efforts benefit all our people and that there is no exploitation of one man by another.

"Yet these actions do not in themselves create socialism. They are necessary to it, but as the Arusha Declaration states, they could also be the basis for fascism — in other words, for the oppressive extreme of capitalism. For the words with which I began my pamphlet Ujamaa in 1962 remain valid; socialism is an attitude of mind. The basis of socialism is a belief in the oneness of man and the common historical destiny of mankind. Its basis, in other words, is human equality.

"Acceptance of this principle is absolutely fundamental to socialism. The justification of socialism is Men; not the State, not the flag. Socialism is not for the benefit of black men, nor brown men, nor white men, nor yellow yellow men. The purpose of socialism is the service of man, regardless of color, size, shape, skill, ability or anything else. And the economic institutions of socialism, such as those we are now creating in accordance with with the Arusha Declaration, are intended to serve man in our society. Where the majority of the people in a particular society are black, then most of those who benefit from socialism there will be black. But it has nothing to do with their blackness; only with their humanity. . . .

"The Arusha Declaration talks of Men, and their beliefs. It talks of socialism and capitalism, of socialists and capitalists. It does not talk about about racial groups or nationalities. On the contrary, it says that all those who stand for the interests of the workers and peasants, anywhere in the world, are our friends. This means that we must judge the character and ability of each individual, not put each person into a pre-arranged category or race or national origin and judge them accordingly. Certainly no one can be a socialist unless he at least tries to do this. For if the actions taken under the Arusha Declaration are to mean anything to our people then we must accept this basic oneness of man. What matters now is that we should succeed in the work we have undertaken. The color or origin of the man who is working to that end does not matter in the very least. And each of us must fight, in himself, the racialist habits of thought which were part of our inheritance from colonialism.

"It is not an easy thing to overcome such habits. But we have always known that it is necessary, and that racialism is evil. We fought our independence campaign on that basis. And the equality of man is the first item in the TANU Creed. For in our constitution we say 'TANU believes (a) That all human beings are equal; (b) That every individual has a right to dignity and respect.'

"If we are to succeed in building a socialist state in this country it is essential that every citizen, and especially every TANU leader, should live up to that doctrine. Let us always remember two things. We have dedicated ourselves to build a socialist society in Tanzania. And, Socialism and Racialism are incompatible."

These excerpts comment on the policy of Ujamaa (cooperative economics or "family hood") established in Tanzania in 1967.

Extract ID: 3205

See also

nTZ Feedback
Extract Author: Trevor Wilson
Page Number: 2007 05 22
Extract Date: 1967

Gift of domestic buffalo

In 1967 the President of Egypt made a gift of domestic buffalo to Mwalimu Nyerere.

I would appreciate any information you have on this (newspaper articles, correspondence, etcetera).

Many thanks for your assistance

Extract ID: 5378

See also

Nettelbeck, David A history of Arusha School, Tanzania
Page Number: 45a

b. A TOLERANT AND BENEVOLENT ERA:

Hamshere who hesitantly and reluctantly brought to birth the new multi-racial era left in 1963 with many of his staff recruited by the colonial government and the Chaplain-Master Bryn Jones, took over as Headmaster.

By all accounts, he was an easy-going, good-natured tolerant person who didn't exert himself much, but got on well with parents and teachers. His speech day comment above is typical of the man.

It would be easy to be critical of a rather slack administration and falling academic standards in the latter half of the 1960s. However Jones had to cope with a rapid turnover of temporary and part time staff, with only a nucleus recruited through the Ministry of Overseas Development and the British salary supplement scheme; He also had a pioneering job in uniting races who up to then had been, socially, mutually exclusive; he had two sons of President Nyerere and other children of Government Ministers until the Arusha Declaration in 1967 steered Tanzanians back onto the course of socialism and Swahili medium education; and all of this at a time when the very presence of an expatriate was a touchy and uncertain thing in Tanzania.

The fact that the school remained open at all as an English - medium primary school with the same staff/pupil ratio, standard of boarding; catering, etc. as before, and the fact that the school was welded into a happy, tolerant and united community must bear tribute to Bryn Jones style of management and personality. English - medium schools such as Lushoto, Moshi, Mbeya and others were closed or converted to Swahili - medium during this period.

Extract ID: 4946

See also

1973 Publishes: Nyerere, J.K. Freedom and Development


Extract ID: 3206

See also

1975 Publishes: Nyerere, J TANU Ten Years after Independence


Extract ID: 3569

See also

Map and Guide to Tanzania
Page Number: 08h
Extract Date: 1983

Border between Tanzania and Kenya reopened

In November 1983 the border between Tanzania and Kenya reopened. Having been elected five times as President, the popular and widely respected Nyerere stepped down in 1985. The present President Ali Hassan Mwinyi was elected in his place.

Extract ID: 4038

external link

See also

Internet Web Pages
Extract Date: 14 October 1999

Obituaries for Julius Nyrere

Press Coverage from the Internet. Follow the link to load a MS Word Document (113 pages 663KBytes.) About 100 articles.

Julius Nyerere

14 October 1999

ANC Statement On The Death Of Julius Kambarage "Mwalimu" Nyerere

African National Congress of South Africa

PanAfrican News Agency

Tanzania's First President Dies In Britain

WorldBank

James D. Wolfensohn Statement On The Death Of Julius Nyerere

15 October 1999

BBC

Tributes pour in for Nyerere

Julius Nyerere: The conscience of Africa

E-mails tell of Nyerere's honesty and humility

Text of President Mkapa's address to the nation

Nyerere: A personal recollection

Songs of grief for Tanzania's founder

Tanzania prepares for Nyerere funeral

Independent

Julius Nyerere, the elder statesman of post-colonial Africa, dies, aged 77

Third World visionary who brought socialism to the villages

'I learnt at his feet ... he was our guru'

The Nation (Nairobi)

A Symbol Of Africa's Hope

The Times Of Zambia (Lusaka)

Tanzanians say goodbye to Mwalimu

The Times

Julius NYERERE

Guardian

Africans mourn death of the father of Tanzania

The Independent

OBITUARY: Julius NYERERE

16 October 1999

Panafrican News Agency

President Clinton Pays Tribute To Nyerere

Nyerere To Be Laid To Rest At His Butiama Home

The Times of Zambia (Lusaka)

We've been robbed of great leader-- Chiluba

Financial Times

Guardian

Idealism in a cynical world

The Nation (Nairobi)

Mwalimu Nyerere's bequest to Mkapa a tall order

17 October 1999

The Monitor (Kampala)

Kwa heri, Mtukufu Rais Julius K. Nyerere

Panafrican News Agency

Tanzanians In UK Bid Farewell To Nyerere

World Leaders Continue To Send Condolences

The Nation (Nairobi)

Mwalimu's rise to power

Mwalimu's enduring legacy

Independent on Sunday

18 October 1999

Guardian

Julius Nyerere

Richard Gott writes:

Simon Barley writes:

Ronald Segal writes:

Chandra Hardy writes:

BBC

Email tributes

HYPE

The Meaning Of "Mwalimu"

Panafrican News Agency

Half A Million Tanzanians Welcome Nyerere's Body

Museveni To Lead Delegation To Nyerere's Funeral

19 October 1999

Guardian

Nyerere's return

The Times

Thousands flock to see Nyerere's coffin come home

New Vision (Kampala)

Nyerere Body Arrives In Dar

The Times of Zambia (Lusaka)

Chiluba declares four-day national mourning

20 October 1999

Independent

Tanzania weeps for father of the nation

BBC

World leaders arrive to honour Nyerere

Julius Nyerere: Political messiah or false prophet?

Panafrican News Agency

Nyerere's Daughter Denied Holy Communion

Wrangle Over Nyerere's Final Resting Place Solved

18 Heads Of State To Pay Respects To Nyerere

The Monitor (Kampala)

Dreams that never died

21 October 1999

BBC

World leaders honour Nyerere

Panafrican News Agency

Academician Revisits Nyerere's Development Vision

Rwandan TV Airs Nyerere's Funeral Ceremony Live

22 October 1999

Guardian

The world turns out to honour Nyerere

Independent

Nyerere, flawed fighter of colonialism, buried as hero

The Times

Leaders pay their repects to Nyerere

New Vision (Kampala)

World Pays Last Respects To Mwalimu Nyerere

Museveni Joins World In Mourning Nyerere

The Monitor (Kampala)

Big farewell for Nyerere

Business Day (Johannesburg)

Tanzania And The World Say Their Farewells To Nyerere

The Times of Zambia (Lusaka)

Nyerere was a great African statesman - Chiluba

Panafrican News Agency

Tanzanians Pay Homage To Nyerere On Eve Of Burial

Nyerere Provided Haven For Late Banda's Opponents

Downpour, Wind, Mark Arrival Of Nyerere's Body

23 October 1999

Economist

Julius Nyerere

Guardian

Tanzania's unity weakens without Nyerere

Panafrican News Agency

The Road Ends For One Of Africa's Greatest Sons

BBC

Nyerere laid to rest

24 October 1999

The Monitor - Kampala

Mandela to visit Nyerere's grave

Nyerere's not so sweet side

The Nation.

Remembering a great son of Africa [Analysis]

Canto for hope

Panafrican News Agency

The Road Ends For One Of Africa's Greatest Sons

26 October 1999

The East African

As 'Kingmaker' Dies, Whither Tanzania Politics and Society

Ever the Idealist, Nyerere's Legacy is Everlasting

There Was Real Freedom in Mwalimu's Day

Painful Loss of a Friend, Mentor and Nationalist Par Excellence

Death Puts Nyerere Biography in Limbo

Leaders Pay Tribute to Mwalimu

Sporting Events Postponed in Honour of Nyerere

27 October 1999

Panafrican News Agency

Spirit Sends Soldiers Scampering For Safety

Business Day (Johannesburg)

Nyerere No Great Leader, But Ensured Poverty For Tanzania (Column)

28 October 1999

Southern African Research and Documentation Centre

Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere- A Remembrance

Southern African Research and Documentation Centre (SARDC)-

Address To Members Of Parliament: By Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere

UN Integrated Regional Information Network

IRIN Focus on the union

29 October 1999

All Africa News Agency

Julius Nyerere: A Concrete Example Of Commitment

Who Else Would Get The Credit For Peace And Unity?

The Day The Villagers Lost Their Favourite Son

Panafrican News Agency

Tanzanian Authorities Crackdown On Poachers

The East African

He Did Not Think His Life Was in Danger

South Africa Remembers Nyerere as One of Its Own

Balancing Relative Values at the Funeral (Opinion)

A Legacy of Unity, But Not of Democracy (Opinion)

Why Mwalimu Never Went Out of Fashion (Opinion)

Coach Nyerere is Gone, the Team Must Play On

30 October 1999

Panafrican News Agency

Nyerere Mourning Regulations Relaxed

Miscellaneous

Saints and Presidents: A Commentary on Julius Nyerere

Extract ID: 3881

See also

The East African
Extract Date: 1999 November 8

A Leader of Poor People

Copyright (c) 1999 The East African. Distributed via Africa News Online (www.africanews.org).

Dar-es-Salaam - If dead men were allowed a brief return to earth, Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, who died in London on October 14 and was buried at his Butiama home village in Mara Region on October 23, would have protested vehemently at all the fuss being made over his illness, death, funeral and burial.

Ever a modest man, Mwalimu would have been acutely embarrassed by the overwhelming outpouring of grief, the moving eulogies, the emotionally-charged mourning, and the massive turnouts for the reception of his body at the Dar-es- Salaam International Airport, as well as during the state funeral and interment.

Nyerere would similarly have objected to the propositions to rename Dar-es- Salaam city, a university and Lake Victoria after him. He always did have an aversion to praise singing.

The tens of thousands of mourners who thronged Nyerere's residence at Msasani on the outskirts of Dar and his village home at Butiama got glimpses of the simplicity of Mwalimu as a family man, a simplicity in inverse proportion to his gigantic stature as national leader and statesman.

In sharp contrast to the likes of the deceased Ivorian and Zairean rulers, Felix Houphouet-Boigny and Mobutu Sese Seko, respectively, who built grandiose structures in their home villages, mourners were graphically reminded in Butiama of the description of Nyerere as a leader of poor people.

Frantic, eleventh-hour attempts had to be made to give the Msasani house a fresh coat of paint. Nyerere himself couldn't be bothered about the near- derelict state of the residence of a 'mere' retired president, when hospitals were short of drugs and schools of textbooks.

During the second and last leg of Nyerere's final journey, on the nearly 40- km stretch from Musoma airport to Butiama, first-time visitors were amazed to note that the road was not tarmacked, because Nyerere refused to have his village pampered. The original Nyerere house, with its fissured walls, is similar to thousands in the Tanzanian countryside.

In honouring the father of the Tanzanian nation after his death, then, we must be mindful of the modesty he espoused in life. Many heads of state on the continent have institutions named after them while they are still alive and in power, reflecting not only their vanity but also the poverty of their social vision.

Nyerere did not see the nation as an extension of his own ego or the Tanzanian people as his vassals. So the most fitting memorials he could have are not monuments to hubris but initiatives to restore dignity and hope to the poor.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Extract ID: 1451

See also

The East African
Extract Author: Marjorie Oludhe-MacGoye
Extract Date: 1999 November 8

Edges - In Memory Of Mwalimu Julius Nyerere

Copyright (c) 1999 The East African. Distributed via Africa News Online (www.africanews.org)

You edged away, understated as always, softening the blow for people who pored over maps looking for Tanzania, Tanganyika, elusive homeland for so great a master.

Seven international borders, three shared lakes, haven for freedom fighters (even if they differed in opinion). Big ships seem to move along the streets of Dar. The aeons lie bared at Olduvai. The dusty pasture extends both sides of makeshift Customs sheds. Water keeps inland frontiers at a level.

You were always accessible, spry, smiling, till the worry lines showed when we presumed too much on your spare strength. You handed over power, but kept concern, which would spill outwards across rifts, borders, ideologies as water trickles downwards at Arusha and arid plains suck deep in search of such a blessing. You made this nation down to earth, not boasting of human primacy or mountain heights (let others explore these; we have our hoes). Cool over ethnic backgrounds, partisan chiefly in football, making Saba Saba the focus of our calendar and action, we took our price in village crop reports, co-operative progress, party structures growing from house to house, expanding limits. Bespectacled clerks hunch over their records German-style.

Rows of war graves still recall white dodging white amid the scything sisal. Mellifluous stories are enlarged on buses to suit the journey length, elaborate greetings pass between travellers. Upturned keels are set to right unhurriedly on sand as long tides rumble shoreward. Rosaries click like coffee cups on circuit, scholars debate pillars and tithes until the call to prayer, the old new left or new old Adam, now conceal the clove yet welcome spice of cash. Now definition is infringed by tears, dogma eroded by sympathy. Palms sway in doubt. Small troubled waves bite at the beach in Kigoma. Clouds lour as smoke over Moshi, obscuring the snow-cap, Musoma fears the weed, Mande the virus. Cattle stray out of order, tales are choked in the telling, guidelines rustle in trembling hands, the edges are frayed, the tideline swamped by influx as the world weeps quietly.

Extract ID: 1449

See also

The East African
Extract Author: James Mpinga
Extract Date: 1999 November 8

Free Bread for Butiama Children Goes Too

Copyright (c) 1999 The East African. Distributed via Africa News Online (www.africanews.org).

There is little to show that Butiama, the birthplace of Julius Nyerere, raised one of Africa's greatest sons.

Mud huts surround the Catholic Church where Nyerere used to pray, and both the church and the mud huts tell a story. From the mud huts came the children who knew exactly when Mwalimu would have his breakfast, and dutifully came to share it with him every morning, and in the church their parents shared a common faith and prayer.

'At first, it was bread and butter for both Mwalimu and the kids. Soon I couldn't cope with the increasing numbers of children joining him for breakfast, so I downgraded it to porridge and kande (a boiled mixture of maize off the cob and pulses),' recalls Mwalimu's former housekeeper, Dorothy Musoga, 74, now living in retirement in Mwanza at a house built for her by Mwalimu.

I met Dorothy by sheer coincidence during Mwalimu's funeral at a pub put up by the Tanzania Peoples Defence Force (TPDF) building brigade at Butiama. Like all Mwalimu insiders, she was full of praise for the departed former president but, above all, worried about the future of his family and what she called Mwalimu's 'other children' who loved to share his breakfast.

'With Mwalimu dead, free breakfast for poor villagers will become a thing of the past,' Dorothy reflected, almost to herself, between sips of warm beer. The poverty of their parents remains, as does the lack of infrastructure at Butiama, which Mwalimu didn't want to transform into an edifice to be envied by Tanzania's 8,000 registered villages.

During the last week of October, vehicles thronged the dusty road to Butiama, which runs 11 kilometres from Makutano Juu along the Mwanza-Sirali highway. In fact, the road to Butiama was only made passable by last-minute grading. The net result, however, was a far from comfortable drive. The workmen had, in effect, only succeeded in increasing the circulation of dust.

The drive was a journey through abject deprivation and grinding poverty. On the way we saw small plots of cassava, much of it wilting under the searing heat. The land was mostly bare.

On Saturday, October 23, when Mwalimu was buried, Butiama may well have started to slip back into oblivion, to become what it once was, an unknown village in the middle of nowhere. With Tanzania's propensity for neglecting matters until they become a crisis, Butiama's transition from a collective shrine to an ordinary village is likely to be swift.

The process may, indeed, have started earlier, with Mwalimu's own house, which stands obscured from view by the relatively more affluent boma where the reigning patriarch of the Wazanaki, Chief Japhet Wanzagi, lives. By village standards, the chief's boma stands out as an island of prosperity in a sea of deprivation.

Many people take their first house as a proud possession, but the sewage system at the late Nyerere's first house bears marks of his self-denial. Children fetch water from a public standpipe and their mothers wash clothes in the open. The house itself could do with a fresh coat of paint. Nearby, and just as hidden, is the house where Nyerere's mother, the late Mugaya, lived. However, judging from the relatively wealthier homestead of the chief, Mwalimu was no more than a peasant - which the Tanzanian government would want the world to believe. The truth is that the former president was in fact a prince who simply chose to shun the trappings of privilege out of his own conviction.

The day after the burial, October 24, I arrived at the village just as villagers in their Sunday best were leaving church. They behaved as if nothing had happened, a stark contrast to the day before when some of them had broken down, unable to reconcile themselves to a future without Nyerere. I was now seeing a different scenario; a people resigned to their common fate.

Only one person, Dr Ebenezer Mwasha, still remained in the past, eleven days after it had all happened. Dr Mwasha is among the scores of professionals who worked closely with Mwalimu both as individuals and as public servants. 'I always looked forward to Mwalimu's homecoming. I never thought I would have the misfortune to receive his body one day,' Dr Mwasha said ruefully a day before Tanzanians and their well-wishers buried Mwalimu.

I met Dr Mwasha again the Sunday after the burial, and he was still unable to believe the obvious. He and his wife were waiting to see Mama Maria, Mwalimu's widow, before he could drive back to Machame in Kilimanjaro region, where he now runs a non-governmental organisation dealing with primary health care. He told me he had been helping Mwalimu to put up an appropriate sanitation and water supply system at his new house, the one the Tanzania Peoples Defence Forces (TPDF) had built for him.

'It is sad that the old man didn't have much time to stay in it,' Dr Mwasha said. Others at Butiama echoed his words. 'It was God's will, we cannot do anything' a primary school teacher, Gambiwa Masubo, said.

Gambiwa accosted me with poems for which he wanted me to find a publisher. 'Can The EastAfrican publish them, please?' he pleaded. Unfortunately, all them were in Kiswahili. In one of the poems, Gambiwa says Mwalimu has 'cleared the bush' so that the rest of Tanzania can move forward.

When I later visited the compound of Mwitongo, where Mwalimu was buried not far from the graves of his parents, only a few insiders and the late Nyerere's close family members had remained, among them his former press secretary Sammy Mdee and former aide-de-camp Philemon Mgaya. At the grave itself, TPDF soldiers from the army's building brigade were erecting a permanent structure.

The mood was still sombre, but noticeable was lighter than before. Some of the mourners took turns to have their pictures taken at the graveside. Was this some transition from mourning to a heritage industry? Now people had accepted the inevitable, Mwalimu's grave was already taking on the air of a world heritage site.

When Chairman Mao was asked what he thought about the French Revolution, a century and a half after it had taken place, he retorted: 'It's too early to say.'

Few in Tanzania can give a better answer about the impact of Nyerere's death. For the poor children of Butiama, however, the days of free breakfast with their beloved grandpa are gone. It is hard to imagine what will follow.

Extract ID: 1447

See also

The East African
Extract Author: James Mpinga
Extract Date: 1999 November 8

In Him, Theatre and Botany Blended

Copyright (c) 1999 The East African. Distributed via Africa News Online (www.africanews.org).

William Shakespeare, the man Nyerere loved to translate, once described life as a fool that 'frets and struts upon the stage to be heard no more.' In Nyerere's death, Tanzanians too have found an eloquent soliloquy to express their deep loss: What next? It is as if a part of their very existence had died with him.

In his death, Nyerere defies Shakespeare's graphic description of mortality. Two aspects of Nyerere's public life, his intellectual pursuits and political leadership, stand out as icons of the Mwalimu legacy.

Prof Ali Mazrui, the Kenyan academic who disagreed with Mwalimu on practically everything - from the merits of Ujamaa to Mwalimu's vision of an East African federation, recently described Nyerere as 'one of the most eloquent voices of the 20th century a combination of deep intellect and high integrity.'

Mazrui also said that Mwalimu translated Shakespeare 'partly to demonstrate that Kiswahili was capable of carrying the complexities of a genius of another civilisation.' There was another reason, perhaps more engaging. Mazrui thinks Nyerere's translation of two of Shakespeare's plays (Julius Caesar and The Merchant of Venice) was done 'not because he loved Shakespeare less, but because he loved Kiswahili more.'

Like most East Africans, Mazrui believes that Nyerere's decision to make Kiswahili a national language deepened the country's national consciousness and cultural pride. Perhaps so, but this land of 120 ethnic groups and 164 dialects needed more than just a unifying language to stay at peace with itself and its neighbours.

To date, Tanzanians probably speak more dialects than all their immediate neighbours combined, so only history will decipher how Mwalimu's leadership infected everyone with such a massive dose of 'Tanzaphilia,' as Mazrui once described it.

Those close to him would attest that Nyerere was an avid student of botany, and that a disproportionately large part of his life evolved around trees and other gifts of Mother Nature than other intellectual pursuits.

Nyerere had the capacity to engage in the finer details of taxonomy, the biological classification of the plant kingdom, better than the average forester. As Chancellor of the Sokoine University of Agriculture (SUA) soon after his retirement, Mwalimu had this singular dream of establishing a botanical garden at SUA's Morogoro campus along the lines, if not on the scale, of the London Botanical Gardens at Kiew.

Extract ID: 1450

See also

Africa News Online
Extract Date: 1999 November 8

Nyerere: The Early Years

Julius Kambarage Nyerere was born at Butiama near the shores of Lake Victoria in the north of Tanganyika. His father had 22 wives and Julius was one of 26 children from his eighth wife, Kambarage.

Julius's father, Nyerere Burito, was a junior chief of the Wazanaki tribe. His grandfather was appointed the first chief of the Wazanaki by the Germans and when he died, his position was awarded on merit to Burito.

When Julius was a small child, he played around naked in his father's house. The other children were envious of him because his father was a chief, and yet the family was not rich.

Julius remembers how the cold troubled him one night and how his mother gave up her dark cotton cloth to cover him and the other children, though she had nothing left for herself.

Like other village children, Julius helped his parents fetch water, chop wood and look after the goats.

In an interview with Drum, Julius's mother remembered him as 'a good child - in fact, almost too good! If I had to go somewhere and I told him to stay in one place, I would find him there when I came back.

'Among his stepbrothers, there was one called Bill, and the two of them became inseparable for a long time. They also acted as leaders among the children at home.'

Julius remembers well the first day he saw a motor car, when he was about six or seven. The car was on the road near their home and strange people stood around it.

Julius was in the bush nearby, watching them carefully. Then he ran back to his father and told him that there were visitors to see him. His father asked him, 'My son, are these visitors Europeans or Indians?'

Julius could not answer because he did not even know what Europeans or Indians were, let alone the difference between them.

When he reached the age of twelve, he was taken to school. He recalls that he had no clothes of his own and wore a piece of cloth given to him by his mother. She also gave him money to buy new clothes.

Julius was the smallest child in his group and he says that he was clumsier than many of the others.

One of his school friends says, 'Julius was always truthful, one had to believe what he told you. All the time Julius was buried in books. One of his favourite authors was John Stuart Mill, who left him thinking seriously about the rights of man.'

Nyerere's mother noticed a change in her child after he started school. 'He was still considerate and helped me during the holidays, but he seemed always deep in thought.'

When Julius was 22 he entered Makerere College, Uganda. Chief Fundikira, who was to become a minister in Nyerere's first Cabinet after independence, remembers those days: 'If you want the truth, one did not particularly notice Nyerere.'

Yet it was at Makerere where Nyerere learned to lead. His organisation, the Tanganyika African Welfare Association, was not a political one, but it aimed to assist the small number of Tanganyikan students at Makerere.

The welfare association soon joined with the Tanganyika African Association, an organisation started by Tanganyika civil servants, which was also restricted to welfare problems.

Nyerere wanted to fight against discrimination, for African rights, for equal work and equal salaries. He felt bitter about the favours which the Europeans enjoyed.

Nyerere later described these demands as the 'politics of sheer complaint'. They did not get to the root of the problem. The aim was to make their rulers listen to African grievances so that they could make changes.

In those days there was no talk of removing the British from power. Nyerere says, 'When I was born, there was not a single person who questioned why we were being ruled, and if my father had heard that we wanted changes, he would have asked me, 'What do you think you can do, you small silly boy?'

Nyerere's father died during the First World War, so he was never to ask this question of Nyerere. It was Nyerere's mother who had to confront her son's involvement in the fight for independence.

'I began to know about Julius's activities when he was teaching at Pugu College in 1952. Every day a man called Aziz Dossa came to our house and he would talk with Julius for a long time. One day I overheard them talking about taking over the government from the Europeans.

'I became afraid. Later I asked Julius if what I heard was true. When he said yes, I became more frightened. I told him that what he was doing was bad. God had given him a good job and now he wanted to spoil it. But he said that what he was doing would benefit not only us but everyone in the country.'

Three years later Julius's mother went to meet him at the airport, when he was returning from New York after delivering his famous address to the United Nations.

When she arrived, she was very surprised to find so many people there. The crowd was shouting, 'Tanu! Tanu! Tanu!'

'That was the first time that I realised that my son had become such an important person. Soon after this, he resigned from his job to work for Tanganyika African National Union full-time.'

Nyerere's Tanganyika African National Union (Tanu) suffered constant harassment before the 1958/59 general election. Nyerere was banned from making public speeches, and twelve Tanu branches were shut by the government. And as if the banning order were not enough, Nyerere was accused of libelling two British officials and put on trial. The following excerpt is from Drum, November 1958.

The SUN has not yet risen but hundreds of people are already gathered round the small courthouse in Dar-es-Salaam. Some have come from distant villages, with blankets and cooking utensils as if for a camping holiday. They have been in Dar-es-Salaam for more than a week at the trial of the president of the Tanganyika African National Union, Julius Nyerere, on a charge of criminal libel. It was alleged that Nyerere wrote an article in which two district commissioners were libelled.

Police constables line the streets round the court and a riot squad stands ready nearby in case of trouble. As the time draws near for the court to open, the crowds jostle and shove for the best positions.

The trial has been a mixture of exciting arguments, explosive surprises and hours of dullness. Mr. Pritt (Nyerere's counsel) insisted that the two commissioners should be called to give evidence. He accused the government of prosecuting Nyerere without investigating his allegations.

The government was telling the world that if anybody said anything against a district commissioner, he could be put into prison for saying what was true.

When Nyerere gave evidence, he took full responsibility for the article and said that he had written it to draw the attention of the government to certain complaints. He was followed by three witnesses who spoke of 'injustices' they had suffered at the hands of the two district commissioners.

Halfway through the proceedings, the attorney-general appeared in court in person to announce on behalf of the Crown that it would not continue with the counts concerning one of the commissioners.

Now, on the last day of the show, the stars begin to arrive: Mr. Summerfield, the chief public prosecutor, Mr. NM Rattansey, defence counsel who is assisting the famous British QC, Mr. DN Pritt.

Mr. Nyerere, wearing a green bush shirt, follows later. He smiles and waves as members of the crowd cheer him.

The curtain goes up with the arrival of Mr. LA Davies, the magistrate. The court is packed. Everyone is tense and hushed. The magistrate sums up then comes to judgment - Nyerere is found guilty!

The magistrate, in passing sentence, says he has formed the impression that Nyerere is an extremely intelligent and responsible man. He fines Nyerere Pounds150 or six months. The money is raised by locals and the Kenya defence fund.

Tanu coasted to a landslide victory in the 1958/59 general election, held under a tripartite system that required every constituency to send one African, one Asian and one European member to the legislature. Each voter had to vote for one candidate of each race.

Besides its own African candidates, Tanu sponsored an Asian and European candidate for each seat. It won 29 out of 30 seats.

Following this, the new British governor, Sir Richard Turnbull, announced that Tanganyika would be developed as an African state. In doing so, the British acknowledged for the first time the power of the nationalist movement. In March 1959, Governor Turnbull increased Tanu's role in the government significantly, appointing five members of the newly elected Legislative Council to his 12-man cabinet.

Initially only three ministerial posts were to be filled by Legislative Councillors, one from each race group - but Nyerere insisted on an African majority. Turnbull conceded, and three Africans, an Asian and a European, all Tanu supporters, were appointed. For Nyerere. this victory was a turning-point. Freedom was now in sight. In its March 1959 issue, Drum interviewed Nyerere on his vision of the future.

TANGANYIKA WILL be the first, most truly multiracial democratic country in Africa. When we get our freedom, the light of a true multiracial democracy will be put high upon the top of the highest mountain, on Kilimanjaro, for all to see, particularly South Africa and America.

Tanganyika will offer the people of those countries free entry, without passports, to come and see real democracy at work. As long as we do not have a popular government elected by the people on democratic principles, we will strive for freedom from any kind of domination.

We regard the Trusteeship as part of a scheme to keep Tanganyika under the British Crown indefinitely. The greatest enemy of our vision is the Colonial Office.

But Tanganyika cannot be freed by drawing up resolutions or by tabulating long catalogues of the evils of colonialism. Nor do we find it enough to tell rulers to quit Tanganyika. It will be freed only by action, and likewise the whole of Africa.

Continued colonialism is preventing investment in this country. Germany, for example, cannot invest money as long as the British are still here. I agree that the country lacks technicians. So what? Shall we give the British another 40 years to train them? How many have they trained in the past 40 years?

As far as money for a self-governing Tanganyika is concerned, Tanganyika has not been receiving much money from the British taxpayer at all. For the past 11 years, Tanganyika has only received Pounds9 million. I can raise 100 times that within a year if it becomes necessary.

I believe that the continued, not existence, but citizenship of the European would be taken for granted had not the white man created a Kenya, a Central Africa, a South Africa and other similar places and situations.

African nationalism is not anti-white but simply anti-colonialist. When George Washington fought the imperialists, he was fighting for the divine right of Americans to govern themselves; he was not fighting colour.

The white man wants to live in Africa on his terms. He must dominate and be recognised by the rest of the inhabitants of this continent as their natural master and superior. But that we cannot accept. What we are after is fellow citizenship, and that is exactly what is frightening the white man.

The question is not whether we must get rid of whites, but whether they must get rid of themselves.

Whites can no longer dominate in Africa. That dream is gone. Africa must be governed by Africans in the future. Whether an immigrant African will have an equal part to play in this free Africa depends upon him and him alone. In Tanganyika, we are determined to demonstrate to the whole of Africa that democracy is the only answer.

We are being held back, not only by local Europeans, but by the Colonial Office and, I believe, by Europeans in neighbouring countries, who are frightened of the possibility of success in Tanganyika.

Extract ID: 1448

See also

Arusha Times
Extract Author: Valentine Marc Nkwame
Page Number: 390
Extract Date: 8 Oct 2005

Mwalimu Nyerere: "How I weep for Arusha Declaration!"

"The Dark Side" Weekly Column

Last week. I had this rather terrible nightmare, in which I dreamt that I was dead! Now, as fate would have it, when I awoke I discovered that I was indeed very dead .... Kaput! And what's more? My dead soul had already arrived in the land of the dead, wherever that was.

Since it was still morning and being a stranger in that land of the dead, I went into a nearby Café, where I intended to order Coffee, then while at it, also ask for some directions. Coincidentally, it happened to be the same Café in which former African leaders liked to take their breakfast.

The first one to arrive was Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. Mwalimu headed straight to my table and without even glancing, the former president of Tanzania sat down, put on his glasses and began perusing a little booklet which he had brought along. "I still can't find anything wrong with this!" He muttered to himself, shaking his head.

I craned my neck to have a look at the booklet's sleeve and to my surprise, it was written; 'The Arusha Declaration of 1967!' So I decided to greet him. "Shikamoo Mwalimu, I happen to come from Arusha, a town where that declaration was endorsed."

Nyerere looked up in surprise, extended his hand and shook mine strongly. Just then two more former African leaders joined us at the table, One being the former Congo president, Mobutu Sese Seko and the other was the former Field Marshall, Idi Amin Dada of Uganda. Nyerere introduced me to them. "Hello both of you! This fellow here comes from my former country!" He said.

"So! Which part of Tanzania do you happen to come from?" Asked Idi Amin Dada. He looked as well nourished as he always used to be, but this time more serene.

"Arusha!" I replied. " You know, that place which is alleged to be the center point between Cape Town and Cairo City."

"Is Arusha in Tanzania! Wasn't it supposed to be somewhere in Rwanda or Burundi?" Asked Mobutu, rather perplexed. He was still adorning a leopard skin over his shoulders.

"Arusha is in Tanzania you should know that!" retorted Mwalimu. "Maybe you got mixed up by the idea of the UN International Criminal Tribunal for the 1994 Rwanda genocide being based there and the fact that it was also where the Burundi Peace Negotiation Sessions were being held."

"Well, it could be," said Mobutu, still not very much convinced. " Anyway, what is new back there in the world? Do our people in Uganda; Tanzania and Zaire, still miss us?"

"Can't be so sure about that!" I replied. " Especially in Zaire. By the way, there is no Zaire, the country's name had been changed into the 'Democratic Republic of Congo,' or in short DRC!"

"Good gracious!" Yelled Mobutu. "What a long, exotic and cumbersome name, it makes tongues bleed to pronounce it."

"So did 'Mobutu-Sese- Seko-Kuku- Ngbendu-Wa- Za Banga," said another former African leader who had just joined us at the table. "The name also used to be quite long, weird and extremely cumbersome. In fact, many tongues, hearts, necks and other parts of human anatomies, shed pure blood, in the process of trying to pronounce it properly!" The newcomer who said this was none other than .... Laurent Desire Kabila, the founder of DRC.

"And, what is wrong with human anatomies bleeding?" asked Idi Amin. "They are supposed to!"

"Stop it now!" commanded Nyerere, banging on the table and spilling Mobutu's coffee. "This guy here has just arrived from Tanzania and I want him to tell us about the country, but all you seem to be doing here, is reminisce about your past bloody eras!" This statement certainly made the other fellows to shut up.

"Anyway there is nothing new about Tanzania save for the fact that, the country is about to hold its third Multiparty General Elections on October 30. There are ten presidential candidates from about eighteen political parties. However, your old pal, Justice Joseph Sinde Warioba thinks that, there is only one political party and the rest are just groups of whining people .... which they are!"

"I understand that this time a woman is also running for the presidency," sneered Field Marshall Idi Amin. "Don't you think this is stretching democracy rather too far?"

"No! I don't think so," shouted Canaan Banana from another table. The former ceremonial president of Zimbabwe was taking hot milk and sausages. "There is nothing wrong with a woman running for the presidency as long as she is not allowed to win. It helps convince foreign donors to continue pouring money in our coffers."

"Yeah!" Supported Mobutu. "What is important here is cash. An African leader needs money, gold and diamonds to run his hundred castles, feed his thousand women, buy cars for the millions of boot-lickers under his heels, reinforce the loyal military forces and still have enough change left to deposit into his numbered Swiss accounts."

Nyerere once more opened his Arusha Declaration booklet, shook his head and muttered; "There is nothing wrong with this manifesto, why did the Tanzanian people chose to trash it? Soon they will all be talking like Banana, Mobutu and Idi Amin .... How I weep for the country!

Extract ID: 5110
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